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“Seven Sisters and a Brother” Details Black Student Activism That Transformed Swarthmore College

NEW YORK, NY – More than 50 years ago, African American students changed the course of history at predominantly white Swarthmore College by courageously staging an eight-day takeover of the Admissions Office. Their book, Seven Sisters and A Brother: Friendship, Resistance and Untold Truths Behind Black Student Activism in the 1960s, portrays their strides to overcome family, economic and academic challenges, while documenting their struggle for equality and respect in a hostile environment. Their amazing account is being released in paperback today.

Located outside Philadelphia, PA, Swarthmore College has cited the demonstration as the most consequential action in its 157-year history.

The book details stunning privacy breaches by Swarthmore that would spark outrage today, but was of little concern in 1969 when Black students and their families were the victims: Swarthmore completed a report on Black admissions containing personal information such as SAT scores, Swarthmore grades, family incomes and occupations. The report was openly available to fellow students, professors and the public at the school’s McCabe Library

“We thought that was a breach of trust. That motivated us to just say, ‘Enough is enough, something has to change,’” says Marilyn Holifield, one of the book’s authors, who is a partner at the mega law firm, Holland & Knight LLP, and a member of Swarthmore’s Board of Managers.

Another student, Joyce Baynes recalled that the Black students gathered in their dorm rooms to discuss the racism they faced at the private liberal arts college, and to plot their response. “We would talk about how we were feeling and some of the things that were going on in our classes. We got agitated by the unfairness,” says Baynes, who helped plan the protest but didn’t participate because she had graduated the previous semester.

On January 9, 1969, the students sprang into action.

Holifield, Marilyn Allman Maye, Harold S. Buchanan, Jannette O. Domingo and Aundrea White Kelley took over the Admissions Office, stopping all school activities. Soon students, Bridget Van Gronigen Warren and Myra E. Rose joined them, along with other Black students. Among their demands were that the college recruit more Black students and start a Black Studies Department.

With America still reverberating from the massive demonstrations after the police killing of George Floyd and other racial injustices, this narrative by the Black Swarthmore students underscores the lasting impact that activism can have, even if it isn’t immediately apparent. The next year, Black enrollment increased and a Black Admissions Dean was hired. And, today Swarthmore is led by President Valerie Smith, a Black, female scholar of African American literature. Last year, at an event celebrating the book, Smith said, “The activism of these courageous alumni paved the way for future generations of Swarthmore students. At great risk to themselves, they fought for justice at the College and forever changed our trajectory.”

Moreover, the students also excelled in their professional careers, and include a medical doctor, a lawyer, a biologist, four educational leaders, and a computer scientist. The hardcover version of the book was awarded 2020 Sarton Women’s Literary Award for Nonfiction with Special Recognition. The new 2021 paperback edition includes a foreword by award winning author and journalist Sophia Nelson as well as an Afterword that puts the students’ 1960s era protest in perspective with today’s racial justice movement.

In the foreword, Nelson writes: “I cannot recommend this book enough. For years the media and some in the Swarthmore community portrayed the peaceful 1969 protest in a false light―these collective narratives provide a very necessary and overdue retelling of the revolution that took place at Swarthmore College in 1969. The group of eight student protestors only recently have begun to receive credit for the school’s greater inclusiveness, as well as the influence their actions had on universities around the country. As they should.”

Alberto Ibargüen, President and CEO of the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation and former publisher of The Miami Herald and El Nuevo Herald, says, “Over eight days, eight students sparked change that defined their lives, changed an institution and fueled a movement that continues today.”


The authors will donate their share of the proceeds from the sale of the book to support study, research, and celebration of Black history and culture at Swarthmore, and to support the Swarthmore Black Alumni Network Endowment Fund (SBAN). The SBAN Endowment will support student internships in collaboration with the Eugene Lang Center for Civic and Social Responsibility.

Birthed by HBCU Students, This Organization Offers Important Lessons for Today’s Student Activists

Photo caption: Members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) , 1964. (Photo by Afro American Newspapers/Gado/Getty Images)

April 15, 2020 marks 60 years since the founding of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, perhaps better known as SNCC, and usually pronounced as “snick.” SNCC became one of the most important organizations to engage in grassroots organizing during the modern civil rights movement and radically transformed youth culture during the decade. Jelani Favors, an associate professor of history and author of a book on how historically black colleges and universities ushered in a new era of activism and leadership, discusses SNCC’s legacy and what lessons it can offer today’s activists.

What role did SNCC play in the civil rights movement?

The founding of SNCC in April 1960 represented an important paradigm shift within the modern civil rights movement. SNCC encouraged black youth to defiantly enter spaces that they had been told to avoid all of their lives. The founding in 1960 resulted in a wave of SNCC activists being sent into the most hostile environments to register voters and mobilize African Americans for change. In doing so, SNCC ushered in the direct action phase of the movement.

Previous generations of activists had embraced lawsuits, such as the 1944 Smith v. Allwright against racial discrimination in voting, and the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case against racial segregation in public schools. Previous generations also embraced non-direct protest tactics, such as boycotts, to bring slow change. But the sit-ins – popularized by black college students who would later form SNCC – placed black bodies on the line in ways that other tactics had not. They clogged “five and dime” stores across the South, effectively shutting them down, dramatizing the movement for black liberation as the entire world looked on through television and media coverage.

Black youth courageously courted the danger that often accompanied breaking the color line in the racially segregated South. Their actions resulted in violent clashes that fully displayed the immorality of white segregationists and simultaneously captured the nobility and courage of black youth. Perhaps most importantly, SNCC radically transformed youth culture in America. The organization took a generation of youth that Time magazine had previously labeled in 1951 as the “silent generation,” and ushered in a decade – the 1960s – that would be widely characterized and defined by the militancy and dissent of young Americans.

How did historically black colleges and universities help form SNCC and its agenda?

Black colleges served as the incubators for this militancy. For generations, historically black colleges and universities – also known as HBCUs – exposed students to a “second curriculum” that was defined by race consciousness, idealism and cultural nationalism. These concepts not only blunted the toxic effects of white supremacy, but they also empowered youth and deliberately fitted them with a mission to serve as change agents within their respective communities and professional fields. It was not happenstance that the origins of SNCC were rooted within the crucial intellectual and social spaces that were carved out within HBCUs.

The overwhelming majority of students who convened in Raleigh, North Carolina, on April 15, 1960 were from southern black colleges where the sit-ins had unfolded. And it was also no mistake that they met at Shaw University, an HBCU located in Raleigh. After all, the woman who had the vision to bring those students together – Ella Baker – was a 1927 graduate of Shaw.

For generations, black college alumni like Baker worked within religious institutions, civil rights organizations, labor unions and special interests groups. Their work within these spaces was largely informed by the “second curriculum” they had been exposed to as HBCU students. SNCC was therefore part of a long tradition of radicalism that was cultivated and produced within black colleges. This exposure equipped them with the necessary intellectual and political tools they would use to take on white supremacy and Jim Crow – the system of legalized segregation in the South.

What is SNCC’s legacy?

SNCC had a relatively short lifespan compared to other civil rights organizations. By the end of the decade their operations were defunct. Much of this was due to both external and internal pressures. Nevertheless, SNCC distinguished itself as “the most powerful energy machine” for the freedom struggle. I argue that SNCC was the most important and effective civil rights organization of the 1960s.

Unlike most other organizations, SNCC eschewed “top-down” operations that fostered elitism and “helicopter” tactics in which organizers would swoop in to inspire local folks and then leave them to manage local struggles on their own. SNCC’s objectives were completely opposite. They entered into the most dangerous, racially hostile and violent regions of the country, such as Albany, Georgia, the Delta region of Mississippi, and Lowndes County, Alabama. Once there, they set up operations that listened to and empowered local people, such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Amzie Moore, Unita Blackwell and countless others.

The relationship between SNCC and local people was reciprocal. SNCC activists learned and lived among the black proletariat – sharecroppers, farmers and day laborers. These people’s wisdom, shrewdness and practical knowledge of how to survive and navigate the worst of the Jim Crow South proved invaluable as SNCC took the fight for black liberation into the rural communities and remote areas of the South. Their blueprint became the template for local organizing for the Black Power Movement and beyond. Perhaps most importantly, their actions played a crucial role in expanding the ballot to millions of Americans who had been marginalized by racist policies and violence.

What lessons can today’s student activists learn from SNCC?

Both SNCC’s victories and defeats are very informative on the history of black social movements. Internal debates are both necessary and healthy for activist organizations. However, by 1964 SNCC’s ability to function as a cohesive unit was under serious threat. Disagreements concerning the infusion of young white activists in the organization and field operations, arguments concerning the use of non-violence as a tactic, and debate over other competing ideological tenets, such as Marxism and Black Nationalism, greatly impaired the organization’s ability to keep a unified front.

Perhaps most challenging were the external threats to SNCC’s existence. The potency of SNCC drew the attention of federal and state agencies that wanted to curb its influence and power. SNCC activists were constantly under surveillance. They lived their lives under the looming shadow of intimidation from law enforcement and the threat of being infiltrated. Today’s student activists can and should be wary of arguments that are unproductive and those who seek to derail their organizations with their own toxic agendas.

In spite of these challenges, SNCC presented a model that empowered local communities and radically transformed American democracy. By listening to and learning from aggrieved populations and empowering local folks to carry out their own agendas, today’s student activists can extend the radical tradition established by SNCC.

Arizona Students Join Joe Madison in Voting Rights Hunger Strike

December 17, 2021

Arizona Students Join Joe Madison in Voting Rights Hunger Strike

The Story:

Two voting rights bills are still stalled in the U.S. Congress. Out beyond the DC beltway, though, they are not stalled at all. They are picking up new and passionate support. On Monday, Dec. 6, more than twenty students at colleges in Arizona announced that they are on an indefinite hunger strike to force one of their Senators in particular, Kyrsten Sinema, to take up the cause of voting rights.

Background:

Sinema, like Arizona’s other Senator, Mark Kelly, are both Democrats. Mark Kelly is a reliable vote supporting the Democratic Party’s initiatives, on voting rights and other matters. Sinema has been less reliable, so she has been targeted by this effort.

Specifically, the students want Senator Sinema (D) to support not only the Freedom to Vote Act itself, but a carevout of the bill from coverage of the filibuster rule.

The Thing to Know:

In pursuing this risky course, the students are following the example of radio show host Joe Madison. Madison announced on Nov. 8 that he will not eat solid food until, as he put it, “Congress passes, and President Biden signs, the Freedom to Vote Act or the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act.” As of this writing, he has gone more than a month without eating.

About The New Black Student Movement (TheNBSM)

The New Black Student Movement works in tandem with other Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) campus student initiatives/organizations, alumni initiatives/associations, Divine 9, faith-based, and nonpartisan groups and individuals in an existing and unique VOTER REGISTRATION, EDUCATION and MOBILIZATION (VREM) / GET OUT THE VOTE (GOTV) and Civic Engagement model. Protecting voting rights and defeating voter suppression is our highest priority.

The establishment of student NAACP chapters at each HBCU throughout the nation, inclusive of Predominately White Institutions (PWIs) campuses and Minority Serving Institutions (MSIs) with Black Student Unions (BSUs), is part of our institutionalization process that pursues 100% voter participation moving forward. Implementing NAACP student chapters does not preclude the establishment of other civil rights activist organizations/initiatives and businesses that endorse the mission and vision of TheNBSM model on campuses, where it is warranted, in lieu of NAACP student chapters that may present more difficult challenges to establish them.

Ultimately, we help facilitate student abilities to acquire and use political and economic resources to address systemic racism issues in local communities of which they are a part. One of the most unique aspects of our model is the strategic combination of veteran or elder advisors of the former Civil Rights Era with inspired student-led aspirations of current generations that are moving forward with solutions based initiatives to voter suppression, police brutality, economic challenges and all other issues that have a negative impact or disparity mostly toward people of color and the poor.

The model entails the following:

Student Government Association (SGA)

Under most SGA election structures, officers are elected for one term and the president could be a senior without any knowledge of civic engagement, which would have to be designed and implemented during that term. The suggestion is to modify SGA campus elections so that vice presidents are elected for two terms, automatically becoming president in the second term (This should be thought through more strategically so that potential scenarios of underclassmen office holders are ensured to be elected to the VP office). After having been educated in the first term by university staff, including the formal recognition of NAACP or other endorsing civil rights activist organizations/initiatives or businesses as a student-led, administrative-advised chapter; civic engagement would become a seamless process interacting with Civic Engagement and Advocacy Committee (CEAC) models both on and off-campus. If no CEAC models exist, then the SGA and advisors can work toward that end with others as a strategic process. Reiterating, one of the most influential models to establish and work with is the State, regional, and local NAACP, activist initiatives/organizations, and black businesses.

Recruitment
The second aspect of the TheNBSM is working with the SGA to recruit volunteers to commit to 8, 16, 24 hours or more per election cycle, of voter/civic engagement activities. Each eight-hour increment represents one, two, and three days, respectively.

HBCU Alumni
Coalitions can be re-created virtually everywhere. Experienced alumni leaders, along with students, will define, and strategically continue to do so, the civic engagement concept and guide its implementation. Mobilizing our members in cyberspace creates untold leverage in civic engagement and community organizing. Nationwide participation is especially important considering national voter suppression efforts leading up to the coming 2022 midterms. Alumni are perhaps the greatest single resource for students seeking instruction, guidance, and implementation.

Record volunteer time
Volunteers should record their own volunteer hours and submit them to their lead organization or SGA periodically.

Volunteer activities
This section will be developed on an ongoing basis. Many activities are engaged in preparation for most elections and campaigns and community issues.
TheNBSM is replicable and expansive to all HBCU institutions and is the next evolution of “A Call to Colors”, the successful voter registration, education, mobilization/get-out-the-vote initiative of Greater Diversity News. Visit this site for more information about TheNBSM and to become part of the movement. Our outreach includes generating the needed resources for more efficient and effective institutionalization.
All potential partners, donors, and media are encouraged to contact us.

Studying Political Science Motivates College Students to Register and Vote – New Research Shows

The Research Brief is a short take about interesting academic work.

The big idea

Community college students who take political science classes are more likely to register to vote, turn out to vote and understand constitutional checks and balances. That’s according to our study of more than 2,000 students at nine community colleges.

After taking students’ prior civic engagement and other college experiences into account, we found that students who took at least one political science course were 9% more likely to register to vote than those who did not.

Additionally, we found that students who took at least one political science class were 8% more likely to vote.

Don’t let yourself be misled. Understand issues with help from experts

Improving college student voter turnout is a national issue. After the 2008 presidential election, many states began to adopt restrictive voting laws that depressed turnout, notably among Hispanic college students in the 2016 presidential election.

Finally, we concluded that at least one political science course helped students better understand constitutional checks and balances. Students who had taken political science were 9% more likely to understand that the Supreme Court – and not the president – determines whether laws are constitutional. They were also 17% more likely to understand how Congress can override a presidential veto.

Why it matters

Recent events, including two sets of impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump, illustrate the importance of understanding constitutional principles. Around the time of the first impeachment of Trump, almost half of adults in the United States did not know impeachment proceedings originate in the House of Representatives.

According to data from the National Study of Learning, Voting, and Engagement, about 1 in 4 students – including at both two- and four-year colleges – were not registered to vote in the 2016 or 2018 elections.

In a high-turnout year like the 2016 presidential election, about half of college students did not vote. In a lower-turnout year such as the 2018 midterm election, about 6 in 10 students did not vote. (Data on college student voter turnout during the 2020 election is not yet available.)

Voter turnout matters in close elections, and college students represent sizable percentages of eligible voters across the 50 states, ranging from as low as 3.6% in Alaska to as high as 10.2% in Utah.

What still isn’t known

We believe it is important to emphasize that our findings were not focusing on college students who majored in political science. We also could not examine the content of their courses or their grades. Finally, we relied on self-reported data, so there is no practical way to confirm that they registered to vote or turned out to vote. However, we do know whether they correctly answered questions about constitutional checks and balances.

What’s next

In ongoing research, we are focusing on the ways that co-curricular experiences, such as belonging to campus organizations or holding a position of leadership in a student organization, relate to civic engagement. We hope to offer implications for ways that multiple departments on college and university campuses can take a holistic approach to supporting civic engagement.

This line of research is relevant for colleges and universities that have mission statements that include teaching students to be civically engaged. Historically, American schools, colleges and universities have been expected to support civic education. We hope our findings and future research will offer information that faculty and administrators can use to develop curriculums and require courses that support civic engagement.